Moscow Uses Pop Culture To Distract The Masses

In August, the “Portal 2030-2050” electronic music festival hosted 110 DJs from 13 countries at the Moskino Film Factory and drew over 106,000 attendees.

Tribune India

The façade of “Fortress Russia” finally seems to be cracking. The Kremlin’s temporary war‑fueled fiscal boom is giving way to the laws of economics, as growth indicators nosedive and an unprecedented squeeze sets in. More than three-and-a-half years on, Russia’s war of choice against Ukraine is exacting a devastating cost –nearly $1 billion daily – for virtually nonexistent returns. In a rare moment of candor, nationalist senator (and former Deputy Prime Minister) Dmitry Rogozin recently admitted that the fight in Ukraine is at a stalemate, with the map only moving marginally and at a “colossal price.”

None of this, of course, is reflected in official Russian propaganda, which keeps insisting that Russia’s war on its western neighbor is going well – and that the country has the means to sustain it pretty much indefinitely. But facts, as they say, are stubborn things. That’s why, as the economic problems grow, Putin’s government has increased its efforts to distract its population from the extent of the financial and political disaster it has brought upon them.

This is evident in the holiday atmosphere that fills its capital city, featuring pop-up gardens, light shows, fountains, and theme parks. Street festivals are the most common form of such celebrations, with over 10,000 events held in Moscow this summer alone.

Arguably the most prominent was last month’s “Portal 2030-2050” electronic music festival, which hosted 110 DJs from 13 countries at the Moskino Film Factory and drew over 106,000 attendees. The VIP list included names recognizable to any young club-goer: DJs like France’s Willy William, Spain’s Sak Noel, and Romania’s Edward Maya, as well as multimedia artists like John Dave. And, in keeping with Russia’s shifting geopolitical outlook, the festival had a distinctly Asian tilt, with ubiquitous performers, a range of Asian art workshops, and even a city-wide Korean pop dance contest presided over by a famous South Korean choreographer.

The event, in other words, was a microcosm of “soft power by subculture” – intended to showcase Moscow as a global stop on the festival circuit for the EDM, K-pop and digital-art communities. Their target audiences are younger, largely apolitical and highly mobile. The strategy is to capture niche fanbases with free spectacle and draw Gen Z and Gen Alpha into its soft power orbit.

Efforts to position Moscow as a trendy destination have achieved some success. Despite the dangers of being blacklisted, celebrities like Woody Allen and Luc Besson have participated in these events – although some do so virtually due to the logistical challenges of entering Russia. However, several do attend in person, encouraged by government officials eager to reshape the narrative about their country.

None of this is cheap. Prior estimates put the price tag for Moscow mass events in the hundreds of millions of dollars. Arguably, though, it could be seen as investment. The Moscow mayor’s office touts that, thanks to the “event tourism” initiative, a single summer now brings in more than half a billion dollars in hospitality‑related tax revenues and the festivals look as if they pay for themselves.

And, after maintaining a false calm at home, the Kremlin is now thinking even bigger. Along with its traditional propaganda efforts aimed at influencing foreign audiences, it has increasingly begun to use pop culture diplomacy as well. In fact, Russia’s government has even launched an international song contest to rival Europe’s top pop culture event, “Eurovision,” from which Russia has been officially banned since 2022, and which is mocked in Russia for its excessive “progressiveness.” Earlier this year, it formally revived a Soviet-era song competition to promote “traditional values” with Russia at its center.

For all this, the Kremlin is clearly willing to pay a steep price. It’s all part of a “business as usual” message designed to distract Russia’s potentially restive population, particularly its urban elites, from the real-world problems caused by President Putin’s war of choice. The only hitch? Such a strategy is inherently unsustainable. If the collapse of the USSR taught us anything, it’s that overly‑militarized economies can’t bankroll pageantry forever. When rulers choose guns over butter, first the butter disappears, then the bread and circuses do.

Earlier this month, President Trump surprised many when, after months of dulcet tones toward Russia, he announced an apparent about-face. In a widely-circulated TruthSocial post, the President declared that he now believes Ukraine “is in a position to fight and WIN all of Ukraine back in its original form.”

That reversal was based on a clearer understanding of Russia’s true economic state and the unsustainable nature of the Kremlin’s war effort. Despite their government’s current show, it’s only a matter of time until ordinary Russians realize the same thing.